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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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power <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> the proliferati<strong>on</strong> of nuclear <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> advanced<br />

c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al weap<strong>on</strong>ry in the h<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>s of potential U.S.<br />

adversaries. Barring the abrupt cessati<strong>on</strong> of China’s<br />

military buildup, this trend looks certain to make U.S.<br />

c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al naval <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> air operati<strong>on</strong>s in the Western<br />

Pacific at the very least more c<strong>on</strong>tested <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> perhaps in<br />

certain c<strong>on</strong>texts prohibitively difficult. 54<br />

These dynamics point to the likelihood that U.S.<br />

nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s, while still generally absent from<br />

overt policy c<strong>on</strong>sciousness <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> deliberati<strong>on</strong> in East<br />

Asia in the early 2010s, will grow in salience in the<br />

coming years. U.S. extended deterrence commitments<br />

are fundamentally highly ambitious, encompassing<br />

most of maritime Asia. In an era of technologically<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> politically unchallenged U.S. military supremacy,<br />

such commitments could safely be wholly entrusted<br />

to the purview of U.S. c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al military forces.<br />

As U.S. c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al military superiority comes under<br />

increasing challenge, however, the United States<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>, more insistently, its allies will be compelled to<br />

choose between appeasing those rising powers that<br />

enjoy leverage gained from the diminishment of U.S.<br />

c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al superiority, <strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong>e h<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> threatening<br />

to impose unacceptable costs up<strong>on</strong> an aggressor<br />

that seeks to exploit such leverage, <strong>on</strong> the other h<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>.<br />

If it is to be the latter, the threat to resort to nuclear<br />

escalati<strong>on</strong> is the logical terminus <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> the most doubtlessly<br />

formidable rung <strong>on</strong> the ladder of such threats.<br />

ENDNOTES - CHAPTER 3<br />

1. This chapter examines the history of U.S. nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s<br />

policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> doctrine in Asia since 1945. It does not focus <strong>on</strong> the<br />

issue of the attempted uses of such weap<strong>on</strong>s for political advantage,<br />

an extremely important <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> well-documented history. For<br />

more <strong>on</strong> this, see, e.g., Richard K. Betts, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> Blackmail <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Balance, Washingt<strong>on</strong>, DC: Brookings Instituti<strong>on</strong> Press, 1987.<br />

97

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