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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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it would be more accurate to refer to the “n<strong>on</strong>-role”<br />

played by Moscow. <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> governments c<strong>on</strong>tinue to<br />

hope that the issue of tactical nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s can<br />

be resolved through negotiati<strong>on</strong>s with Russia. This<br />

has made it easier for all <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> members to defer<br />

decisi<strong>on</strong>s relating to TNWs. But, as discussed earlier<br />

in this volume, there is little reas<strong>on</strong> to expect much<br />

cooperati<strong>on</strong> from Moscow unless the issue of tactical<br />

nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s can be folded into some larger negotiati<strong>on</strong><br />

involving c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al forces, missile defense,<br />

strategic systems, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> perhaps space systems.<br />

The fourth complicating factor is the mixed messages<br />

sent by the Alliance leader, the United States.<br />

Washingt<strong>on</strong> could break the logjam <strong>on</strong> the issue of<br />

TNWs either by unilateral removal of these systems<br />

or by taking an assertive positi<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> some other approach<br />

in Alliance deliberati<strong>on</strong>s. It has chosen not to<br />

do so largely out of c<strong>on</strong>cern for Alliance cohesi<strong>on</strong>. At<br />

the same time, however, the Barack Obama administrati<strong>on</strong><br />

has c<strong>on</strong>tributed to the growing pressure for nuclear<br />

disarmament in Europe by its negotiati<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

New <strong>Strategic</strong> Arms Reducti<strong>on</strong> Treaty (New START)<br />

in 2010 <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> by the President’s “Global Zero” speech<br />

in Prague, the Czech Republic, in 2009. It would be<br />

relatively easy for Washingt<strong>on</strong> to press the case for the<br />

removal of the remaining TNWs from Europe as the<br />

next logical step in this campaign.<br />

A str<strong>on</strong>g argument can be made for doing so, because<br />

the risks associated with the current impasse<br />

are greater than the risks of unilateral or negotiated<br />

removal of these militarily obsolete weap<strong>on</strong>s. The<br />

first risk is that the current situati<strong>on</strong> will resolve itself<br />

by “disarmament by default.” This could occur<br />

as, <strong>on</strong>e by <strong>on</strong>e, the European nati<strong>on</strong>s that currently<br />

host TNWs fail to provide the necessary support for<br />

231

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