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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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near Central Europe <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> therefore were focused <strong>on</strong> the peril of a<br />

Warsaw Pact l<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> invasi<strong>on</strong> al<strong>on</strong>g the Central Fr<strong>on</strong>t. This gave a<br />

coherence <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> collective quality to the c<strong>on</strong>cerns of the European<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> nati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

35. The fact that the U.S. Navy was the <strong>on</strong>ly military force<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g the allies that could range across this vast expanse of territory<br />

also added to U.S. aut<strong>on</strong>omy <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> leverage. In the nuclear<br />

weap<strong>on</strong>s arena, these dynamics strengthened U.S. proclivities towards<br />

discreti<strong>on</strong>ary <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> opaque decisi<strong>on</strong>making, dynamics that<br />

were compounded by the U.S. ability to store <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> operate these<br />

weap<strong>on</strong>s from U.S. naval vessels <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> sovereign U.S. territory. U.S.<br />

sovereign territory included Pacific isl<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>s such as Guam but also<br />

included territorial c<strong>on</strong>cessi<strong>on</strong>s granted after World War II <strong>on</strong> the<br />

historical territory of allies, such as Subic Bay in the Philippines<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Okinawa in Japan.<br />

36. See Cha, pp. 163,168. For a similar point of view, see Jeremy<br />

Pressman, Warring Friends: Alliance Restraint in Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

Politics, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008, pp. 29-36.<br />

37. See George R. Packard, “The United States-Japan Security<br />

Treaty at 50: Still a Gr<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bargain?” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 89,<br />

No. 2, March/April 2010, pp. 92-103. This reliance was explicitly<br />

nuclear. For instance, after the shock of China’s first nuclear test<br />

in October 1964, a substantial number of powerful Liberal Democratic<br />

Party (LDP) leaders approached Prime Minister Sato Eisaku<br />

of Japan with a proposal that Japan should create its own nuclear<br />

arsenal. Sato let this be known to Ambassador Reischauer who<br />

immediately told Secretary of State Dean Rusk, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> when Sato<br />

arrived for a summit meeting with President Johns<strong>on</strong> in Washingt<strong>on</strong><br />

in January of 1965, he received assurances that the United<br />

States would extend its “nuclear umbrella” over Japan, thus obviating<br />

Japan’s going nuclear itself. This situati<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tinues to this<br />

day. The author thanks George Packard for this insight.<br />

38. For the Japanese government’s revelati<strong>on</strong> of the existence<br />

of so-called “secret agreements” between Tokyo <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Washingt<strong>on</strong><br />

permitting US transit of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s through Japanese<br />

ports <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> waters <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> the reintroducti<strong>on</strong> of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s<br />

to Okinawa after the isl<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>’s reversi<strong>on</strong> to Japanese c<strong>on</strong>trol,<br />

see Jeffrey Lewis, “More <strong>on</strong> U.S.-Japan ‘Secret Agreements,’”<br />

Armsc<strong>on</strong>trolw<strong>on</strong>k.com, March 11, 2010, available from<br />

103

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