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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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that means. Today, this seems to be more a descripti<strong>on</strong><br />

of a situati<strong>on</strong> rather than a strategic c<strong>on</strong>cept, denoting<br />

<strong>on</strong>ly that the United States maintains a small stock of<br />

tactical nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s in Europe <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>tinues to<br />

declare a tie between European <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g>’s security <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the U.S. strategic arsenal.<br />

During the Cold War, this was enough. But does<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>tinuati<strong>on</strong> of a “nuclear alliance” now mean that<br />

America’s extended deterrent in Europe is operative<br />

against threats from any source, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> not just Russia?<br />

Indeed, does the presence of tactical nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<strong>on</strong> the C<strong>on</strong>tinent represent an underlying belief<br />

that Russia is still <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g>’s chief adversary? If not, is<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> even an “alliance” anymore, or is it now a collective<br />

security arrangement meant to keep the peace<br />

in Europe <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>—as in the case of Libya—other theaters<br />

as well? If the Atlantic Alliance is going to find a new<br />

future as a collective security or peacekeeping organizati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

this in turn raises the questi<strong>on</strong> of whether it<br />

needs nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s at all.<br />

What remains <strong>on</strong> the agenda in the wake of this<br />

report? Specifically, three issues need to be addressed<br />

in the near future.<br />

1. Do TNWs or NSNWs have a role in U.S. defense<br />

planning at all? This is the logically prior questi<strong>on</strong> to<br />

determining <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g>’s future as a nuclear alliance.<br />

Since the advent of nuclear parity with the Soviet<br />

Uni<strong>on</strong> in the 1960s, American nuclear doctrine has<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tinually, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> sometimes intenti<strong>on</strong>ally, wavered <strong>on</strong><br />

what the United States sees as the essential purpose<br />

of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s. Specifically, Cold War deterrence<br />

c<strong>on</strong>flated (again, sometimes intenti<strong>on</strong>ally, but also at<br />

times from c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong>) two seemingly c<strong>on</strong>tradictory<br />

propositi<strong>on</strong>s, namely, that nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s exist <strong>on</strong>ly<br />

to deter the use of similar weap<strong>on</strong>s against the United<br />

508

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