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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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er reducti<strong>on</strong>s but <strong>on</strong>ly if Russia undertakes reciprocal<br />

measures. Proposals to provide additi<strong>on</strong>al Article 5<br />

reassurance through c<strong>on</strong>tingency planning <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> exercises<br />

are welcomed, but with an equal insistence that<br />

they cannot substitute for the deterrence provided<br />

by the presence of U.S. warheads. One such nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

representative revealed his scepticism of alternative<br />

forms of reassurance when he remarked that the allies<br />

would “remove the warheads <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> [then] not do the<br />

exercises.” 9<br />

The development of a <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> missile defense system<br />

for the defense of territory has been welcomed by<br />

the new members of the Alliance as strengthening the<br />

transatlantic link <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> bolstering deterrence. However,<br />

several members insist that missile defense performs<br />

a different functi<strong>on</strong> in deterrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> should not be<br />

seen as a replacement for the existing arrangements.<br />

One nati<strong>on</strong>al representative described missile defense<br />

as “a flimsy substitute” 10 for these arrangements, particularly<br />

in view of the impending reducti<strong>on</strong>s of U.S.<br />

ground forces in Europe.<br />

For these members, the general uncertainty in the<br />

strategic envir<strong>on</strong>ment <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> in relati<strong>on</strong>s with Russia<br />

means that this is not the moment for <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> to make<br />

changes to its strategy <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> that to do so would in fact<br />

be sending the wr<strong>on</strong>g message—in several directi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

It is sometimes said that Pol<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> is prepared to be more<br />

flexible <strong>on</strong> this issue than other CEE members; some<br />

observers see this merely as part of a less c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>tati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

relati<strong>on</strong>ship with the Big Neighbor. Polish c<strong>on</strong>cerns<br />

have focussed <strong>on</strong> the need to do something about<br />

Russian sub-strategic systems, a c<strong>on</strong>cern shared by all<br />

members. This has meant an emphasis <strong>on</strong> the need<br />

for a dialogue with Russia <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> initial steps aimed at<br />

creating greater transparency of these systems, again<br />

248

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