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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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ample of the latter, in 1991 Presidents George H. W.<br />

Bush <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Mikhail Gorbachev announced their presidential<br />

nuclear initiatives, a series of unilateral steps<br />

that eliminated thous<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>s of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> both<br />

sides, including dramatic reducti<strong>on</strong>s in the two n<strong>on</strong>strategic<br />

nuclear arsenals.<br />

U.S. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> Withdrawal from Europe. One unilateral<br />

measure would be for the United States <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> to<br />

agree unilaterally to withdraw some number of—but<br />

not all—B-61 bombs from Europe. Those weap<strong>on</strong>s are<br />

seen as having virtually no military utility in the c<strong>on</strong>text<br />

of the full array of nuclear <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al arms<br />

maintained by the U.S. military; their primary value<br />

is political, symbolizing the U.S. security commitment<br />

to Europe. If the primary rati<strong>on</strong>ale for the weap<strong>on</strong>s is<br />

political, there may be nothing magic about the current<br />

number of 200. Indeed, even officials of <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

allies that wish a c<strong>on</strong>tinued nuclear presence see the<br />

possibility for some reducti<strong>on</strong>.<br />

A more radical unilateral measure would be the<br />

removal of all U.S. nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s from Europe, in<br />

which case the U.S. extended nuclear deterrent would<br />

be based <strong>on</strong> the Asian model, i.e., extended deterrence<br />

for countries such as Japan <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> South Korea as provided<br />

by U.S. strategic nuclear forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> forward-deployable<br />

n<strong>on</strong>-strategic nuclear weap<strong>on</strong> systems based<br />

in the United States. Such a move, however, would<br />

likely encounter oppositi<strong>on</strong> from a number of <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

allies who, under current circumstances, c<strong>on</strong>tinue to<br />

value an American nuclear presence in Europe. It likely<br />

would also prove c<strong>on</strong>troversial in the U.S. C<strong>on</strong>gress,<br />

which has expressed doubts about unilateral measures<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> would be sympathetic to views in the Baltic states<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Central Europe. Moreover, it is unclear at this<br />

point whether such a unilateral U.S. move would elicit<br />

a quid pro quo from Russia other than an agreement to<br />

425

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