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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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that <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> as a whole is willing to delay or postp<strong>on</strong>e<br />

the eliminati<strong>on</strong> of these weap<strong>on</strong>s for the sake of the<br />

Alliance’s cohesi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> remains Europe’s primary hard security<br />

provider. Because the credibility of an organizati<strong>on</strong><br />

like <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> depends <strong>on</strong> solidarity am<strong>on</strong>g its members,<br />

a widely shared priority <strong>on</strong> both sides of the Atlantic<br />

is to avoid jeopardizing the principle of indivisibility<br />

of the Alliance’s security. The prevailing trend of devaluing<br />

TNWs, therefore, is offset by a cooperative<br />

approach to allied security that c<strong>on</strong>siders the percepti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

of all partners, including those who feel the need<br />

for c<strong>on</strong>tinuing nuclear reassurance.<br />

At the same time, <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> is called to be coherent<br />

with its regard to commitment to reducing reliance<br />

<strong>on</strong> nuclear arsenals <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> to nuclear disarmament. Engaging<br />

in earnest <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> with greater coherence to fight<br />

weap<strong>on</strong>s of mass destructi<strong>on</strong> (WMD) proliferati<strong>on</strong> is<br />

in the strategic interest of the Alliance. Eliminating the<br />

remaining few scarcely useful TNWs deployed in Europe<br />

would serve this purpose well <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> at very little<br />

cost. So<strong>on</strong>er or later, the fundamental rati<strong>on</strong>ale for the<br />

forward deployment of TNWs in Europe must be addressed<br />

in unambiguous terms.<br />

The discussi<strong>on</strong>, without taboos of any sort, must<br />

be pragmatic, n<strong>on</strong>-ideological, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> guided by four<br />

propositi<strong>on</strong>s. First, in the present <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> foreseeable<br />

future security scenario, TNWs have no clear missi<strong>on</strong>,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> alternative means of ensuring security exist;<br />

sec<strong>on</strong>d, <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> is currently a truly c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al<br />

hyper-power with no rivals; third, <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> can remain<br />

a nuclear alliance even without forward deployment<br />

of U.S. TNWs, counting am<strong>on</strong>g its members three nuclear-weap<strong>on</strong><br />

states; <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> fourth, TNWs today retain<br />

a residual (though replaceable), symbolic importance<br />

for <strong>on</strong>ly a few <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> member states.<br />

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