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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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with a posture that lowers the risks of the spread of<br />

nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s capability <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> the possibility of<br />

nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s use. What we need today is a new<br />

kind of surge—an intellectual, policy, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> political<br />

countersurge to both the Global Zero movement <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

those who insist that defense budgets be cut irrespective<br />

of its impact <strong>on</strong> Alliance security. We need a new<br />

impetus to challenge the statements <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> asserti<strong>on</strong>s of<br />

groups like the Global Zero Movement.<br />

In sum, I see the end result of the DDPR as <strong>on</strong>e<br />

where the U.S. nuclear presence in Europe is affirmed.<br />

There are too many proven political <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> psychological<br />

benefits of the l<strong>on</strong>g-st<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>ing extended nuclear<br />

deterrence posture to justify change now <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> no real<br />

incentive to do so in light of the security envir<strong>on</strong>ment.<br />

The weap<strong>on</strong>s serve to deter aggressi<strong>on</strong>, persuade the<br />

n<strong>on</strong>possessing Ally that there is no need to develop<br />

nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s himself, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> are a visible <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> viable<br />

symbol of the transatlantic link between the United<br />

States <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> European Allies. There may be some minor<br />

adjustments in numbers, which should remain classified,<br />

but not many because of their potential for use<br />

as an arms c<strong>on</strong>trol quid pro quo in U.S.-Russia negotiati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

I do not see any changes in <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g>’s declaratory<br />

policy for a couple of reas<strong>on</strong>s but most simply because<br />

the French will never go al<strong>on</strong>g with it. A <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> nuclear<br />

deterrent can play a significant <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> far-reaching<br />

role dem<strong>on</strong>strating Alliance solidarity in the face of aggressi<strong>on</strong><br />

with WMD, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> not just nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s. As<br />

I have often stated, the Alliance uses nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s<br />

every single day. They daily play an important political<br />

role in dem<strong>on</strong>strating solidarity, burden-sharing,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> the incalculable c<strong>on</strong>sequences of aggressi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

The weap<strong>on</strong>s we have invented cannot be uninvented.<br />

We must live with them. They are an inevi-<br />

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