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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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First of all, the word “obligati<strong>on</strong>s” in this particular<br />

c<strong>on</strong>text is not correct. We are speaking about <strong>on</strong>esided<br />

initiatives of 1991-1992, which were “strictly a<br />

matter of good will” <strong>on</strong> Russia’s side. These measures<br />

looked not <strong>on</strong>ly to the reducti<strong>on</strong> of tactical nuclear<br />

weap<strong>on</strong>s but to a whole series of measures in the area<br />

of disarmament. 28<br />

The Foreign Ministry statement went <strong>on</strong> to say<br />

that the initiatives have been fulfilled <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> that <strong>on</strong>e<br />

can speak of the liquidati<strong>on</strong> of “more than 50% of the<br />

nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s for the navy’s tactical missiles <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

aviati<strong>on</strong>, air defense missiles, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> aerial bombs” from<br />

their total quantity, which went unstated. The statement<br />

affirmed that Russia was fulfilling its self-imposed<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities in this area <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> then noted that<br />

Russia’s TNWs were deployed <strong>on</strong>ly in Russia proper,<br />

unlike U.S. TNWs that were stati<strong>on</strong>ed in Europe. 29<br />

There were very few official comments <strong>on</strong> the status<br />

of TNWs, further reducti<strong>on</strong>s, or the development<br />

of new delivery systems <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> more advanced TNWs<br />

over the next few years. But the press did carry analytical<br />

works relating to these issues. The current role<br />

of TNWs, which emerged as an operati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>cept in<br />

the late 1990s in associati<strong>on</strong> with increased tensi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

between Russia <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g>, reflects a clear assumpti<strong>on</strong><br />

that Russian c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al forces at that time<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> even today have limited combat utility in case of<br />

general aggressi<strong>on</strong> against Russia or <strong>on</strong>e of its allies.<br />

This is due to both the reduced size of the force <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

its technological obsolescence in c<strong>on</strong>juncti<strong>on</strong> with the<br />

“informatizati<strong>on</strong> of warfare” <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> the possibilities created<br />

by deep, precisi<strong>on</strong>-strike c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al systems<br />

that have been dem<strong>on</strong>strated in local wars from Operati<strong>on</strong><br />

DESERT STORM to <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g>’s air operati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

against Libya. Russian military theorists, particularly<br />

129

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