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Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO.pdf - Program on Strategic ...

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as a link am<strong>on</strong>g the <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> nati<strong>on</strong>s, through shared<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>sibility for nuclear policy planning <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> decisi<strong>on</strong>making.<br />

They also still serve as a visible reminder<br />

of the U.S. extended deterrent <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> assurance of its<br />

commitment to the defense of its allies. But as the CRS<br />

has written:<br />

If the United States <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> its allies agree that this assurance<br />

can be provided with either c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al capabilities<br />

or strategic nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s, the need for<br />

forward basing in Europe may diminish. Some argue<br />

that because these weap<strong>on</strong>s play no military or political<br />

role in Europe, they no l<strong>on</strong>ger serve as a symbol<br />

of alliance solidarity <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> cooperati<strong>on</strong>. Others, however,<br />

including some officials in newer <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> nati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

have argued that U.S. n<strong>on</strong>-strategic nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s<br />

in Europe not <strong>on</strong>ly remain relevant militarily, in some<br />

circumstances, but that they are an essential indicator<br />

of the U.S. commitment to <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> security <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> solidarity.<br />

41<br />

Political trends in Europe may accelerate these<br />

changes to U.S. forward deployments of NSNWs. A<br />

number of factors appear to be driving the Alliance toward<br />

ending the nuclear missi<strong>on</strong>—or at least removing<br />

the remaining U.S. warheads. 42 Russia has had a<br />

strategy for years of applying diplomatic <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> political<br />

pressure against the United States <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> its allies in<br />

Europe to remove the remaining U.S. warheads. The<br />

European allies are suffering from two generati<strong>on</strong>s of<br />

military <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> particularly nuclear malaise, with some<br />

seeming unwilling to c<strong>on</strong>tinue this effort given the<br />

political <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> ec<strong>on</strong>omic costs of buying a next generati<strong>on</strong><br />

of DCA. The technical expirati<strong>on</strong> of the service<br />

life of both the warheads <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> their delivery systems<br />

dictates that a decisi<strong>on</strong> be made as to whether or not<br />

to c<strong>on</strong>tinue the <str<strong>on</strong>g>NATO</str<strong>on</strong>g> nuclear deterrence missi<strong>on</strong>. Or-<br />

343

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