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28th International Congress of Psychology August 8 ... - U-netSURF

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carrying out in our lab in Lyon with the express goal <strong>of</strong> better understanding pragmatic<br />

inference-making.<br />

1007.2 Undetected conceptual misalignment in survey interviews, M. Schober, New School for<br />

Social Research, New York, NY, USA<br />

The collaboration that leads speakers to believe that they have understood each other can mask far<br />

greater conceptual misalignment than one might suspect. In a series <strong>of</strong> laboratory and field studies<br />

<strong>of</strong> standardized telephone survey interviews, my colleagues and I have shown that although<br />

respondents answering pretested questions about facts and behaviors are confident they have<br />

understood the questions as intended, they do not interpret seemingly straightforward concepts<br />

like work and smoking uniformly. In fact, the range <strong>of</strong> interpretations can lead to substantial errors<br />

in the data that are collected. Linguistic coordination is not the same as conceptual coordination.<br />

1007.3 Why is conversation so easy? The interactive alignment account, S.C. Garrod 1 , M.J.<br />

Pickering 2 , 1 University <strong>of</strong> Glasgow, Glasgow, UK; 2 University <strong>of</strong> Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK<br />

The range and complexity <strong>of</strong> the information that is required in monologue – preparing and<br />

listening to speeches – is much less than is required in dialogue – holding a conversation. Yet most<br />

<strong>of</strong> us find holding a conversation easier than preparing or listening to speeches. We will argue that<br />

dialogue is easy because <strong>of</strong> an interactive processing mechanism that leads to the alignment <strong>of</strong><br />

linguistic representations between conversationalists. Interactive alignment occurs via automatic<br />

alignment channels which are functionally similar to the automatic perception-behavior links<br />

proposed in recent accounts <strong>of</strong> social interaction. We conclude that humans are ‘designed’ for<br />

dialogue.<br />

1007.4 Euphemism and Gresham’s law <strong>of</strong> language, M. McGlone 1 , D. Kobrynowicz 2 ,<br />

1 2<br />

Lafayette College, Easton, PA, USA; The College <strong>of</strong> New Jersey, Trenton, NJ, USA<br />

Lexicographers have suggested that the face-saving career <strong>of</strong> a euphemism is limited by a<br />

linguistic incarnation <strong>of</strong> the economic principle known as “Gresham’s Law.” Just as "bad money<br />

drives out the good” in a monetary system, these researchers argue that through frequent usage,<br />

euphemisms become “contaminated” by their associations with distasteful topics, which in turn<br />

eventually drives them out <strong>of</strong> conversational circulation and leads to the creation <strong>of</strong> new<br />

euphemisms to replace them (Pinker, 1994). We report experimental data suggesting just the<br />

opposite: Euphemisms’ conventionality actually increases rather than decreases their “face value”<br />

by encouraging inattentive, mindless processing <strong>of</strong> their distasteful referents.<br />

1007.5 When do speakers make up their minds? H.H. Clark, Stanford University, Stanford, CA,<br />

USA<br />

When people speak, they act at many levels. They gesticulate and produce sounds; they create<br />

gestures, words, phrases, and larger constructions; they make statements, ask questions, and tell<br />

stories; they try to get their addressees to join them in certain activities. These actions are<br />

normally considered deliberate or intended. But when do speakers make up their minds to take<br />

those actions, and how? Evidence from spontaneous speech shows that speakers are forever<br />

changing their minds and at many levels. This evidence, I suggest, requires new accounts about<br />

what speakers are doing and about what they mean.<br />

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