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KASHMIRI WOMEN’S TESTIMONIOS: LIVES IN LIMBO<br />

Anupama VOHRA *<br />

In testimonio, the narrator intends to communicate his / her own and /or groups trauma in the<br />

context of oppression and struggle to claim some agency in the act of narrating, and to call on<br />

readers to respond actively in judging the crisis. Documenting abuses is important because unheard<br />

and unaddressed memories and traumatic experiences breathe danger of being buried. When<br />

memories are buried, they are not necessarily forgotten but reoccur time and again all the more<br />

forcefully: “Remembering and telling the truth about terrible events are the prerequisites both for<br />

restoration of the social order and for the healing of individual victims.” 1 According to Tal, “Bearing<br />

witness is an aggressive act … Its goal is change” 2 , a joint goal, as Kimberly A. Nance explains, of<br />

testimonio, “the goal is not only to produce books; [the authors of testimonio] they are after<br />

concrete social change.” 3<br />

This paper takes Nance’s deemphasizing testimonios role as a repository of stories about human<br />

rights abuse, and stressing the active shaping and deployment of “potential action” 4 rather than<br />

positive action as the focal point to examine the traumatic sufferings of Kashmiri women: widows,<br />

half widows, aggrieved mothers through the lens of family, society, separatist leaders and state to<br />

highlight their experiences of trauma, isolation, shame, stigmatization, nightmares, and<br />

marginalization. This can be analyzed through a close reading of the collective testimonios of the<br />

over‐arching record of atrocities against people in Afsana Rashid’s Widows and Half Widows (2011).<br />

The memory of the brutality of the event is sealed inside the mind of the families of the victims.<br />

Testimonios given years after the event have all the freshness and vividness of the first account.<br />

Victims evoke clearly the place, date and time of the abduction of their loved ones. Tracing the<br />

whereabouts of the missing males is a difficult task for most of the families in the absence of<br />

cooperation from various state agencies. These testimonios of grief, depression, helplessness,<br />

undoing, anger and rage “could go a long way toward motivating writers, readers, and critics to<br />

consider their own answerability” 5 to aid in efforts to obtain justice through social change.<br />

The Kashmiri Muslim women due to the conflict in the Valley have been the silent sufferers.<br />

Besides violence inflicted directly on women’s bodies, women have also experienced indirect<br />

violence in the Valley. Direct violence is excessively inflicted on males because they are anticipated as<br />

threatening, females suffer indirectly when they lose their spouse, or the men disappear and all<br />

familial responsibilities fall on their shoulders. Many a time militant organizations are also<br />

responsible for killings /disappearances. There are also instances of inter‐group rivalries as well as of<br />

revengeful killings and abductions of surrendered militants or informers of the state by the militants.<br />

It is estimated that there are “15000 widows and thousands of half‐widows” 6 in Kashmir.<br />

For those women, whose spouse died and the body was recovered one part of their struggle/story<br />

ended at that moment. They reconciled to the fact and accepted the reality of widowhood. However,<br />

a large number of women in Kashmir are facing an identity crisis owing to the phenomena of<br />

enforced disappearances, which has lead them to a miserable fate of being half widows, a term<br />

coined for women whose husbands have disappeared but not yet been declared dead. Many young<br />

girls carried away by the romance of militancy eloped with militants and found themselves<br />

abandoned as widows/half widows with little children. The testimonios cited provide insights into the<br />

lives of women caught between the security forces and the militants, and thus, the mental makeup<br />

and resilience of those who suffered disappearance/ death(s) of the male member(s) of the family.<br />

These widows/half widows are mostly not educationally qualified or socially prepared to begin<br />

earning for their families. As a result they and their children become dependent on the in‐laws, who<br />

see them as constant reminders of the family’s loss and as additional mouths to feed. In the in‐laws’<br />

family, relationships often turn unpleasant and the testimonios of Zainab, Sakina Bano and Shazada<br />

*<br />

University of Jammu - India

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