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details and about the issues involved in leaving a convent or monastery. This became a big issue for<br />

discussion: Leaving a convent or monastery meant leaving a certain household and also leaving this<br />

specific type of household. This was discussed in terms of breaking the vows of poverty, chastity, and<br />

obedience and what this implied in relation to God, to other human beings and to oneself. Bora’s<br />

behavior was seen as evidence of her religion being bad or good in an exemplary way – for Catholics<br />

like the monk Michael Kuen (1709‐1765; pseud.: Eusebius Engelhard) she was a sort of anti‐saint,<br />

brought under attack because this opened a path for attacking her husband as well, and in<br />

consequence his theology and the whole Protestant group. For Protestants like the married professor<br />

of theology Christian Wilhelm Franz Walch (1726‐1784) she was to be defended against such attacks<br />

because Luther’s theology and the honor of the whole Lutheran group were endangered. Her<br />

marriage and her household functions were seen as evidence that Bora had been living according to<br />

the right – Lutheran – theology, in Lutheran eyes; or, in Catholic perspective, they were evidence of<br />

her having left religion and church and all relevant religious norms completely behind. The discourse<br />

was between theologians of opposing confessional groups, and it concerned religious questions of<br />

church and theology. In this frame, the honor of individual persons and of the group they belonged<br />

to was one of the most important topics; another main topic were the practices giving evidence of<br />

religious belief and belonging. Only in consequence and as a subcategory, social structures were<br />

relevant as well. History was decisive for defining the relevant religious tradition that was to be<br />

upheld and defended by the authorities.<br />

In the 19 th and 20 th centuries, confessional polemics was still practiced from both sides. Even texts<br />

following modern standards of history as a scientific endeavor, insisting on their independent study<br />

of the sources, still pursued polemical agendas openly. More important, Protestant versions of<br />

Katharina von Bora were still patterned as a counter‐life to Catholic attacks: The Catholic Bora first<br />

and foremost was a nun, and even after she had left the convent, she could never be anything else.<br />

In a story centering on this decisive break of vows and of lifelong commitment – no matter if factoriented<br />

or more or less invented –, she could only be undisciplined, disobedient, driven by a desire<br />

for power and by her bodily impulses for food, alcohol and sexuality, bringing an illegitimate child<br />

into the marriage. In short, she was an agent and she was made visible as such, but this was a bad<br />

sign especially in a religious perspective. So the Protestant (Lutheran) Bora had to be the wife,<br />

mother, and housewife, obedient, quiet, humble, not at all bodily and sexual. Her life as a nun in<br />

convent had to be reduced to a minimum, she had no ideas or concepts of her own, she was not<br />

shown as a literate person and as participating in the table talks taking place in her own and Luther’s<br />

household. In both versions, Bora was no agent at all, with her agency made invisible; or her agency<br />

served as an especially negative character trait. Both views reveal a shared religious perspective of<br />

the importance of obedience towards religious authority in general and of women towards men in<br />

particular. In spite of contrasting evaluations of the person, a gendered value system emerges that<br />

constitutes a common ground between Catholic and Lutheran clerics. Factual statements were of<br />

high importance and therefore contested vehemently in these discourses. But in themselves they<br />

don’t account for the narratives given in these discourses. The rules for constructing those narratives<br />

were made outside the realm of factual past: verifiable historical truth was part of an actual<br />

argument.<br />

Furthermore, in the 19 th century Bora’s and Luther’s household becomes more and more similar<br />

to 19 th ‐century notions and ideologies of an intimate core family, understood as constituting a<br />

separate private sphere. This can be observed with book‐length biographical studies like those by<br />

Wilhelm Beste (1817‐1889), Albrecht Thoma (1844‐1915), and Ernst Kroker (1859‐1927) – intended<br />

as scholarly, source‐based, and factual – or Hermann Nietschmann (1840‐1929) – intended as<br />

popular distribution of scholarly factual knowledge. But the same is true where a short biographical<br />

sketch was inserted as part of a larger text, for example in normative literature on the household of<br />

the pastor, including his wife and children – texts by e. g. Herman Semmig (1820‐1897), by Hermann<br />

Josephson (1864‐1949) and Bertha Josephson‐Mercator (1861‐1906), and by Hermann Werdermann

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