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well as from ideas of women as a monolithic and measurable entity. I read these texts as outlets of<br />

individual experiences, though, at the same time as narratives reflective of “the dominant<br />

emotionology,” 6 in other words, of a society’s “collective emotional standards” 7 and of a collective<br />

memory.<br />

A common critique levelled against the use of literary text in these types of studies has been that<br />

only the histories of the literate become accessible. However, in our case, one should first have in<br />

mind that although literacy levels are still low in the area, especially among rural Pashtun women,<br />

yet many women are orally literate. So, only because you do not possess the means to express<br />

yourself in text (either in terms of lack of education or due to restrictions imposed by the family etc.)<br />

does not necessarily make you illiterate per se. Also, some issues have been raised against the<br />

selective nature of literature, how it tends to emphasise and leave out, and how emotion can be of<br />

little or no relevance in certain texts. First of all, I admit that writing literature is an innately selective<br />

project, however, a choice – the choice to remain silent as one example – is first and foremost an<br />

intellectual manoeuvre, but it also involves processes of emotional negotiation. Thematic choice,<br />

emotions expressed or silenced, language use, are all measured priorities which can tell us something<br />

about the spirit of their worlds. Although most historical studies on emotions have focused on how<br />

emotions change over time, this paper aims at tracing emotional registers of the present moment;<br />

how emotions navigate, change, and adapt in different spaces and communities. The aim, however,<br />

is not to deliver a conclusive result to my research questions but rather to set out the directions for a<br />

future, more all‐embracing studies on this topic.<br />

The material I have examined for this presentation consists of an anthology of short stories and<br />

life stories written in Pashto and Dari by Afghan women. The book, entitled Walking with the Light,<br />

was published in 2011 by Afghan Pen and edited by the writer Wazhma Fazli. Fazli, as with many of<br />

the writers included in the anthology, is a member of a women’s literary society called Merman<br />

Kulturi aw Tolniz Bahir, an organisation based in Kabul but with branches all over Afghanistan, as well<br />

as abroad. 8 The texts included in the anthology are a mixture of life stories and literary (very) short<br />

stories written by women of varying ages from different areas of Afghanistan; the youngest one Lima<br />

Hafiz, being only thirteen years old.<br />

The texts: Readings of emotion<br />

Afghan books are generally supplied with significant paratext in the form of prefaces, biographies,<br />

and even reviews. In this compilation, which the editor Wazhma Fazli dedicates “to every Afghan<br />

mother and father who does not differentiate between son and daughter”, three introductory texts<br />

are included. In one of these – “A Few Words” – the Afghan writer Nasir Ahmad Ahmadi delivers a<br />

short but vigorous critique of an Afghan society where women at times are looked upon as<br />

commodities. He describes a society abounding in slogans such as “Women are the one half of<br />

society’s goblet”, but that the practice of such ideals linger in real life. He also writes that these are<br />

nothing but empty words and that:<br />

Still today Afghan women are deprived of the most basic joys of life. They are given<br />

away as compensation to pay for the sins of their brothers and fathers. They are married<br />

against their will, they lack decision over their own lives, and still in many families, after<br />

the men have taken their hands from the soup, the women’s share is but poor bread and<br />

gnawed bones.<br />

Many are not allowed to study, they cannot go to the doctor without the consent of<br />

their husbands, they do not even have their own proper names but are referred to by<br />

labels such as syahsara [widow], kada [nomad’s wife], torsara [widow], and ajiza [poor<br />

wretch]. They are destitute of all Islamic and human rights and in some households they<br />

are still not looked upon as human beings. They are sold and bought in accordance with<br />

walwar [bride price]. 9<br />

In the same text, Ahmadi remarks on what was said earlier about women’s lives being written by<br />

men, saying: “Even though much has now been written about the pains and problems of women,

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