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the dominant ideology of local societies and the family. Finally, or rather fundamentally, these
general patriarchal stands have been incorporated in language itself, as in the cases when virtues
supposedly deriving from masculinity (like “manly” courage, andreia – from andras, man) are
attributed to women who are, therefore, considered “exceptional” among the ranks of their sex.
“Jesus has not set any ideals special to women. His teaching is addressed to human entities […]. In
practice, however, attitudes of the ancient world, degrading for women, prevailed in Christianity
also”, states prof. Tsamis. “The anything but satisfactory position of women in ancient society can be
often discerned in the texts of the Miterikon”, 6 where we also see women, in particular, encouraged
to be virtuous by being humble, self‐abnegating, seeking sanctity by living in what is considered to be
the eternal Christian truth.
At the same time, however, between the lines of these life‐stories one may also detect some of
the ideas and aspirations of individual women and of women like them. Needless to say, it takes a
cautious and complex approach on the part of modern feminist and historical reading so as not to
cast a final blow to the chance of these women to be heard – at least to some extent.
Miterikon, women saints and Bithynia
An acquaintance with the women of the Miterikon can be achieved through the path of local
history, in its interaction with general history; thus, of the women saints included in it, this paper
proposes to discuss those related to Bithynia (the location of the 2014 “Writing Women’s Lives”
conference).
Bithynia is quite suited to the task, for it has been an important, albeit not central area of the East
Roman empire. Situated in the north of the Asia Minor peninsula, its coast extending from Propontis
(the Sea of Marmara) and the Bosphorus (Boğaziçi) to the Euxine Pontos (Black Sea, Karadeniz), it lies
on the geo‐strategical crossroads between Asia and Europe. Thus, it was not by accident that the
missionary journeys of Christian apostles, like Peter and Paul, took them across this territory. The
new faith attracted substantial numbers of –male and female– followers, so the area was to become
a theatre of the persecutions that followed, delivering martyrs like the renowned St. Barbara. 7
Numerous other saints are connected to Bithynia, among them the following nine women saints
presented by the Miterikon.
Imperial Christianity ‐ St. Helen at the side of her son, St. Constantine the Great (early 4th c.)
The establishment, for military and administrative purposes, in AD 330 by emperor Constantinus I
of a new Roman imperial capital in Constantinople (Istanbul), on the site of ancient Greek Byzantion,
that is, on the Thracian shores opposite Bithynia, meant that the latter would become a “first class”
province; here members of the elite would own large estates, construct private residences as well as
public buildings, temples, monasteries, seeking relaxation, extra income and, in times of political
turmoil, refuge – when it was not used as a place of exile. In AD 325 Constantinus, overturning the
imperial policy against the Christians, in his aspiration to make the best of their dynamism through
unifying procedures, initiated and presided over a gathering of bishops, the so‐called First Council of
Nicaea (Iznik), in Bithynia. Constantine the Great –as he became known due to these groundbreaking
acts– was to be celebrated by the Christians as an isapostolos (equal to the apostles) together with
his mother, St. Helen, a Christian from Bithynia, a source of inspiration and an aide in his personal
and imperial conduct and policies. 8
St. Helena is presented in the Miterikon through three different texts – all of which, incidentally,
portray her being guided by her son, rather than the other way round. 9 The first one praises mainly
Constantinus, devoting just one of its five paragraphs to his mother. The second, quite
unsophisticated, provides historically based information mixed with inaccuracies and legends; among
other things, it erroneously maintains that Constantinus, after becoming “the ruler of the world” at
the age of 21, asked his mother to join him, crowned her as his co‐ruler, and asked her to search for
the holy Cross, whose power had strengthened his reign – a venture for which he provided her with
the necessary escort. 10 The third –more literary– text focuses on the virtues that St. Helena
possessed, only to conclude that she was “a mother of a great son, who made it possible for his
mother to be respected by every nation”. 11