30.05.2016 Views

sempozyum_bildiri_kitabi

sempozyum_bildiri_kitabi

sempozyum_bildiri_kitabi

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

The careful planning of the outfit’s colour, style as well as ensuring flexibility of movement<br />

attests to the importance she attributes to presenting herself with the veil for the first time. Having<br />

blue eyes and a pale complexion, Emel had often been mistaken for an autochthonous Dutch in<br />

school. Thus, on a visual level carrying such a prominent marker of difference would be new to her.<br />

She was careful to blend black with vibrant colours, as evident in the exchange with her brother since<br />

black has negative connotations of austerity and association with the controversial burqa. Emel said:<br />

Everybody was like “You look good, it is good that you kept your old sporty clothing<br />

style. It is good that you do not go for long dresses...” So people care a lot about what you<br />

wear with the veil. That you go for colours. There was only one Dutch friend who said<br />

“Emel, you looked much better without the veil,” but that is all.<br />

Although Emel was slightly nervous, she reports almost exclusively positive feedback.<br />

Although this was a big change in terms of her social identity, Emel didn’t suffer too much due to the<br />

fact that in her multicultural classroom, veiling was already common practice. Still, Emel deliberately<br />

chose vibrant blue colours as she internalized the need to not come across as unfamiliar. She was<br />

praised by her Dutch peers due to her choice of a sporty style which works as a mediating factor in<br />

curbing belonging uncertainty as more traditional clothing like long dresses are seen by classmates as<br />

foreign. “The rap style” as she puts it with baggy jeans and sneakers, with its connotations of<br />

belonging to the contemporary urban cultural context, showed her adaptation to the Dutch scene.<br />

Similarly, another respondent said: “I shop from the same high street shops as them like<br />

H&M etc... That way the things I wear are not so different from classmates, so they can relate to<br />

me.” Just like Emel, she also paid attention to the ways in which her sense of dress was perceived by<br />

her peers. Using mainstream clothing available to Dutch consumers, she adapted these to her style<br />

by combining with more modest elements, for example by wearing a t‐shirt underneath a blouse.<br />

Therefore, adopting attire closely connected with the Dutch context was a clear strategy to express<br />

and claim belonging.<br />

The ultimate strategy for easing belonging uncertainty was to develop parallel feelings of<br />

belonging with other Turkish‐Dutch women. The respondents’ primary relationships were almost<br />

always with fellow Turkish‐Dutch females. In cases where they were not present, they tended to<br />

befriend Moroccans or other Muslims with whom they perceived shared cultural similarities. Only<br />

two respondents cited ethnic Dutch women as close friends with whom they socialized, such as going<br />

to the movies or to cafes together. The respondents’ strong identification with other Turkish‐Dutch<br />

females is evident from the way they address the posed questions regarding their personal<br />

experiences.<br />

Taliha uttered “we” repeatedly when asked about the commencement of her veiling, and<br />

Rana argued that the “negative pressure” is felt by “us kids” referring to the other veiled Turkish‐<br />

Dutch. Similarly, Yeliz used “us Turks” when asked about her individual experiences in school. Such<br />

answers which speak in the name of their peer group, using the subject “we” instead of “I” attests to<br />

a strong identification with fellow veiled Turkish‐Dutch. Buitelaar defines the use of such “collective<br />

voices” in the construction of identity as self‐ essentializing; 12 arguing it to be “a rhetorical<br />

performance to invoke a positive ‘imagined community’” 13 which “may serve the group interests of<br />

collectivities that are caught in asymmetrical societal power relations.” 14 At the face of being<br />

different, these respondents’ friendships within the Turkish communities cultivate parallel feelings of<br />

belonging; they derive strength and legitimacy from each other and create a group consciousness.<br />

These respondents have experienced belonging uncertainty differently depending on their<br />

context of education. In contexts where a dense body of minority students are present, they have<br />

felt less belonging uncertainty. In the higher levels they felt belonging uncertainty more acutely since<br />

they weren’t represented widely. Teacher’s reactions also have affected their feelings of belonging,<br />

questioning the quality of their bonds to their educational setting.<br />

The respondents devised some strategies for alleviating belonging uncertainty. Veiling early on<br />

around age twelve and establishing themselves as veiled students in the new school worked to curb<br />

unwanted questions. Making public speeches and establishing themselves also worked as a strategy.<br />

Another strategy was paying attention to their attire in order not to come across as too foreign.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!