sempozyum_bildiri_kitabi

treated and to thank the private companies that allow me to have access to medicines. I bless them!
And Mbeki and his gang can go to hell! I want them to burst!” “I saved one Rand a week. I could build
my house. But my children sought privacy. I tried to build toilets inside because we did not know how
it was. We did not know. I do not even know I could do it. But buying used stuff, windows, doors ...
and friends, like M. and R., came to help me cement doors ... just to finish the church that has borne
our grieves.” “I am old now. I speak for my children to remember. I want them to tell their turn.”]
In each case, representatives of organizations, one or two, volunteers or not, accompany
speaking, record sometimes, often translate, intensify the flow sometimes, questioning, pushing the
narrator into a corner. Interviews are framed or free, rarely individual without pre‐established
questionnaires, semi‐conductive and non‐conductive.
The women who speak are predominantly black, poor, living in the townships and rural areas.
They do not want to create their autobiography. They do not always follow a chronological line from
birth, decrypting step in their lives. Their stories can be much more “chaotic” in the sense that they
can be fragmented, partial, disjointed. One HIV‐positive woman could only tell her occasional
experience of sexual relationship in detail, with specific times of tension and ecstasy, for example,
while another would polarize the trauma of displacement imposed by systematic apartheid which
gave her the feeling that she lived nowhere, and had no “home.” A third one could still talk about
poverty and “toilet” experience, at least public, as external, or outdoors, events completely out of
intimacy. These stories are not specifically structured and holistic.
The collection mechanism does not aim to assist, to victimize the person speaking or writing, or to
refer to her sole introspection. It further promotes not only collective expression but also the
development of a feasible shared future. As such, it allows the “witness” to express a point of view
on the environment in which she lives, or to analyze it.
An approach that distorts time and space
The economic and social environment plays a major role in rates of unemployment and disease,
notably AIDS, creating a context of idleness in the city or in rural areas, particularly conducive to
availability, almost constant. This availability has the direct consequence to distort time that is more
to lose than win. This system implies that unemployed or ill women stop where they are, when they
are there, without really “knowing” why. The concept of appointment is quite absent here.
Convening less. So that it is more often the place or time that create the opportunity of the story and
not a concerted memorial collection operation.
It will be understood that it is not so much the methodological process (of collection or narrative)
that creates knowledge, but rather its non‐academic framing.
Female collective identity
In South Africa, it is not so much sex that creates identity, feature or community, but the
combination of this sexual biological membership with many items as class, race, culture, ethnicity,
gender... Each identity that is being expressed runs contrary to any approach going the same way of
an identitarism, a particularism, and a traditionalism that President Jacob Zuma leans towards. 8
This “feminine collective identity” also goes against the preconceived idea of national identity,
historical situation that considers equality will be resolved at the same time that democracy, expects
women, viewed as mothers of the nation, to achieve, but does not take into account the gendered
dimension of citizenship, its exercise and the relationship between the individual and the State. In
fact, women have been treated more as “recipients of government policy and not as agents of the
construction of new States” (Seidman, 2006).