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She also experienced the difference at the University of Sydney. Her intellectual curiosity and drive<br />

made it difficult for her to blend in with the others. Only at Harvard, where she went for graduate<br />

school, did she find scholars like herself, who wanted to talk and debate about the projects they<br />

were working on.<br />

I had arrived with all the sensivity and prickliness of the person who hasn’t ever quite<br />

belonged at home –my intellectual concerns real, but defined as an eccentricity in<br />

Australia. Within weeks I began to see myself as perfectly normal, like all the other lively<br />

people around me. These people weren’t the alienated left intellectuals of Australia, or<br />

the wistful exiles from Oxbridge I knew in Sidney. 6<br />

These academics establish a direct relationship between the feeling of being part of a minority<br />

and their desire to study the peripheries, specifically, women’s history. Their own experiences likely<br />

led them to a heightened awareness of the need to discover the hidden or silenced histories of<br />

humanity. Lerner, for instance, noticed the lack, in her select Viennese education, of teaching about<br />

other continents, other cultures: “It was possible in my day to be an European intellectual,<br />

excellently trained and credentialed, and yet to be ignorant of the history and culture of several<br />

continents.” 7 In the United States she also came across a partial vision of history, a vision she<br />

dedicated herself to questioning:<br />

What I was learning in graduate school did not so much leave out continents and their<br />

people, as had my Viennese education, as it left out half the human race: women. I found<br />

it impossible to accept such a version of the past as truth.” 8<br />

Gerda Lerner drew attention to the many women who had really been protagonists in history –<br />

far more protagonists than those—queens or governors—to whom historical narratives describe in a<br />

few pages:<br />

In the twenty‐five years since I had left school in Vienna, I had lived as an unskilled and<br />

later semi‐skilled worker, a housewife, a mother, a community activist. In all these roles I<br />

met an active group of women who worked quietly and without public recognition, usually<br />

without pay and frequently without an awareness of the significance of the work they<br />

were doing. Political organizations were influenced by their work, yet no one would ever<br />

know of their existence through the writings of historians or through the media. 9<br />

Conway approaches the topic of women’s visibility in a similar manner. The lack of attention to<br />

women’s education or their presence in official historical accounts led her to leave Sydney for<br />

Harvard and select to work on the first women graduates in the US for her dissertation. 10<br />

Women figured in this British imperial narrative only as occasional reformer of<br />

prostitutes or as spectacular adventurers, or in the persons of monarchs like Elizabeth I or<br />

Queen Victoria, always treated as under the guidance of their male major political<br />

advisors. 11<br />

Davis took longer to decide to focus on women’s studies. From her time at Smith College, her<br />

interests had centred on social history: “I was focussing on issues on religion and social class during<br />

the Protestan Reformation, specially the urban artisans and workers.” 12 She had even rejected the<br />

possibility of doing her PhD work on Christine de Pizan because that topic “would have taken me into<br />

the rarified circles of the court and the nobility” 13 and, at that point, she was too enthralled by<br />

“turbulent menu peuple of Lyon in the sixteenth century, their grain riots, the strikes of the printing<br />

workers, and the Protestant uprising of 1562, intended to turn the city at the confluence of the

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