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Rome to help her mother through the intervention of the highly illustrious and powerful Minister of<br />

Foreign Affairs, Visconti‐Venosta 21 In an unexpected development, the day before the third meeting<br />

to pay Dragoman Cangià, an “extremely assertive” note arrived from the minister at the Italian<br />

Embassy of Constantinople, urging a resolution to Chryssoni’s case. Infuriated at the level of scrutiny<br />

and the level of Chryssoni’s tenacity, and possibly feeling double‐crossed, Dragoman Cangià sent<br />

word to Chryssoni via Ali Bey that, “even if King Umberto 22 in person comes here to she will not be<br />

able to get her money back.” 23<br />

Legal Pluralism: Women and Gender Cases in the Ottoman Empire<br />

Women and gender cases in turn‐of‐the‐century Ottoman society often fell among competing<br />

legal codes and sometimes crossed jurisdictional boundaries. Building upon normalized sources and<br />

methodology, this study incorporates gender as a unit of analysis, with the understanding of gender<br />

as, “the social rules that attempt to organize the relationship of men and women in societies, which<br />

produces the knowledge we have of sex and sexual difference.” 24 For at least thirty years, scholars of<br />

the Middle East and North Africa have been warned about using exclusively male, westerndominated<br />

sources from government, consular, scholarly, and legal authorities as being prescriptive<br />

in nature, and simply reflective of discourses of domination and tension. 25 Historical sources are both<br />

social products and cultural reproduction. Sources must be analyzed to decipher their real meaning<br />

with regard to gender and other forms of power relations. Women’s voices in the historical records<br />

and as the recorders of history have been too silent, which has failed history writing that aims to<br />

reflect the reality of the past for all of humanity, and not just a select stratum. Much has been done,<br />

but much more must be done to restore women’s voices across social strata to historical narratives.<br />

Including women in history writing must be normalized as a practice and not viewed as exceptional.<br />

The methodological resolution to the problem is to identify and engage women’s positions,<br />

behaviors, and concerns in all potential written, oral, and multi‐media sources across fields,<br />

disciplines and theoretical lenses. Women should be treated equally with regards to source work,<br />

and given the same level of agency to influence, and to be influenced by, History‐as surely they have<br />

done.<br />

Keywords: Ottoman, Legal pluralism, Court records, Gender, Law<br />

Dr. Elizabeth H. Shlala<br />

London School of Economics and Political Science<br />

International History Department<br />

e.shlala@lse.ac.uk<br />

ehs6@hoyamail.georgetown.edu<br />

Notes<br />

1<br />

Dimitri Gondicas and Charles Issawi, ed., Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism: Politics,<br />

Economy, and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 1999).<br />

2<br />

Dragomans were Ottoman state functionaries who served as interpreters, translators, and<br />

guides.<br />

3 All case‐related documents are from ITTCR008, Folder of documents related to the Case of Mrs<br />

Teresa Chryssoni v. Princess Seniha from the Ottoman Bank Archives (Istanbul, Turkey). Referred<br />

to as ITTCR008 throughout. ITTCR008, 1‐3b and 12‐17b.<br />

4<br />

Lauren Benton and Richard Ross, eds., Legal Pluralism and Empires, 1500‐1850 (New York: New<br />

York University Press, 2013); Mary Lewis, Divided Rule: Sovereignty and Empire in French Tunisia,<br />

1881‐1938 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013); Samera Esmeir, Juridical Humanity: A<br />

Colonial History (California: Stanford University Press, 2012); Julia Ann Clancy‐Smith,

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