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produce Islam. In both approaches the internal dynamic of Arabian society was dismissed and the<br />

attention instead shifted to an external influence that changed society. Arabian society, as a creative<br />

dynamic society with its own institutions and practices, was absented here too. The end result is a<br />

confused jumble of presumptions and prejudicial positions on the part of both the Orientalists and<br />

the Islamists.<br />

In her study of women in Islam, Leila Ahmad investigated the origins of practices and attitudes<br />

currently associated with Islam, such as veiling, seclusion and the Harem. Veiling, for example, was a<br />

mark of distinction in Byzantine society reserved for the elite while the Harem started as a Persian<br />

Royal practice that spread to the rest of the Persian elite. As for the degrading view of women, Leila<br />

Ahmed says “whatever the cultural source or sources, a fierce misogyny was a distinct ingredient in<br />

Mediterranean and eventually Christian thought in the centuries immediately preceding Islam”. 9<br />

Women as inferior, incapable, weak, causing sexual temptation, veiled and secluded, unable to<br />

engage in religious or legal professions, women as commodities appreciated only for their<br />

reproductive capacities, etc. were already prevalent in the region from the Oxus to the Nile, and<br />

beyond, before the arrival of Islam. These attitudes are associated with patriarchy, particularly the<br />

landed aristocracy who was the dominant social class in the region. It is important to remember then<br />

that the practices, attitudes, mores, and values about women that are considered now to be<br />

peculiarly Islamic originate elsewhere and have nothing to do with religion, as such.<br />

Patriarchal norms and values, however, were not strange to Arabian society. During the 6 th<br />

century C.E. Mecca experienced a series of profound social, economic and political transformations.<br />

Marriage practices, for example, were becoming more in line with patriarchy, particularly the<br />

primacy of the male blood line. The sixth century also brought about accelerated transformations to<br />

Mecca due to the expansion of its market area. Mecca’s prosperity attracted a population of rich and<br />

poor and its growing urban population included Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians who were<br />

merchants, artisans, craftsmen and other professionals catering to a mercantile economy.<br />

It was merchants, not landlords, who were the leaders of this emerging and unique social<br />

formation. 10 Everywhere else in the ancient and medieval world it was the landed aristocracy who<br />

made up the rules and regulations. Not in Arabia, where agricultural land was not sufficient to<br />

support a landed aristocracy of the type that evolved in neighboring river valley civilizations. Using<br />

Deniz Kandiyoti’s term of “patriarchal bargain,” in the sense that not all patriarchies are the same 11 ,<br />

we find that Meccan women could be independent players in this mercantile economy. It was one of<br />

those women who hired Muhammad as her representative. The vestiges of this patriarchy can be<br />

found also in the role women played during Muhammad’s lifetime and the immediate period that<br />

followed. No doubt Islam solidified the trend towards patriarchy and male‐line only kinship and<br />

appeared to give divine sanction to some of their ideals.<br />

Islam allowed Meccan merchants to control a region that by 732 C.E. was the largest land empire<br />

in history, encompassing the territory from central Asia to Spain. But while these Arabs were the<br />

rulers, they were an ethnic minority. Muslims were still a minority even when the Abbasids took<br />

power in 750 C.E.. Umayyad policies had kept the privileges in favor of the Arabs. Berber and Persian<br />

Muslims were not treated equally and this discrimination became one of the factors that led to the<br />

revolt against the Umayyads and the triumph of the Abbasids who advocated Islam, not ethnicity as<br />

the inclusionary factor in society. Consequently, nearly a mass conversion to Islam took place among<br />

the Persians. Richard Bulliet, for example, shows that until 750, nearly a century of Umayyad rule,<br />

barely 5% of the Persians had converted to Islam. By 800, that is only fifty years after the Abbasids<br />

took over, fully 45% of the Persian population, most notably the landed aristocracy, had converted to<br />

Islam. 12 With this influx, the patriarchal ideals of landed aristocracy begin to find resonance with the<br />

changing society. The ethos of the landed aristocracy (conservative and literal) clashed with the

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