23.12.2012 Views

ovde - vera znanje mir

ovde - vera znanje mir

ovde - vera znanje mir

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Landman describe in their study of the Netherlands, resistance can also vary from one<br />

city to another within the same country. Two small cities, Deventer and Diebringen,<br />

resisted the creation of a mosque for months, whereas in Utrecht the process went<br />

much more smoothly. In France, se<strong>vera</strong>l mosques have already been built (Lyon, Evry,<br />

Mantes-la-Jolie); others are in the process of being built; everywhere these projects<br />

entail a process of negotiation between the municipality and the interested parties.<br />

The proposed mosque projects in Marseilles and Toulouse provide an example in<br />

which the primary obstacle is no longer the resistance of the local authorities but<br />

rather conflicts and competition among various Muslim associations. The delay of<br />

both mosques is exacerbated by France’s policies on Islamic matters. Sea´n<br />

McLoughlin also emphasises the non-conflictual aspect of mosque construction in<br />

Bradford, and the mosque’s incorporation into the urban space. One reason for this<br />

lack of conflict, according to him, is the spatial concentration of Muslims in Bradford.<br />

Demographic concentration is also one of the reasons cited by Claire de Galembert in<br />

the case of Mantes-la-Jolie, one of the first mosques built in France towards the end<br />

of the 1970s. She also highlights the political aims of the municipality, which<br />

favoured such a decision. Ural Manc¸o and Meryem Kenmaz emphasise, in the case of<br />

Schaerbeek (Brussels), the importance of electoral strategies and the consideration of<br />

the Muslim vote. This led the municipality to a complete reversal of policy regarding<br />

its Muslim population, i.e. from an institutionalised discrimination to collective<br />

dialogue.<br />

In all these situations, the non-conflictual character of any project for the building<br />

of a mosque was the result of communication between non-Muslim members of the<br />

community, representatives of the political authority and local Islamic leadership.<br />

The emergence, particularly in France and Great Britain, of a new generation of<br />

educated Muslim leaders and of a Muslim middle class has advanced the level of<br />

negotiation that had previously been attained by the first generation of immigrants<br />

(see the papers in this special issue by Cesari and by McLoughlin). Thus this new<br />

generation has been much more successful in getting their proposals accepted by the<br />

community at large. The relative social harmony that surrounds existing mosques in<br />

other cities is another reason for citizens and politicians to be less hostile to new<br />

mosque projects. This argument has also begun to be used by Muslim actors in their<br />

discussions in the political sphere.<br />

In contrast, resistance to new mosques continues to be strong in countries such as<br />

Spain and Italy, where Muslim immigration is a relatively recent phenomenon.<br />

Chantal Saint Blancat and Ottavia Schmidt di Friedberg3 describe how the request to<br />

construct a mosque in Lodi encountered the opposition of both the community and<br />

the town council; today this conflict serves, to a certain degree, as a model of the<br />

resistance to mosque construction throughout Italy. Similarly, in Germany*/where<br />

despite the longstanding presence of Turkish immigrants, the realisation of the<br />

definitive nature of this immigration is relatively recent*/projects for mosques<br />

encounter numerous obstacles.<br />

The arguments put forward on the local level to justify refusal are the same<br />

throughout Europe: noise and traffic nuisance, incompatibility with existing urban<br />

planning, non-conformity with existing security norms. But beyond these technical<br />

obstacles, the resistance to new mosques is always linked to a meta-narrative about<br />

Islam. This narrative, prevalent on the international level, also exists on the national<br />

level, and in many European countries; Islam is systematically conflated with threats<br />

to international or domestic order. Gerdien Jonker points out how this essentialising<br />

tendency was reinforced in Germany after the events of September 11th, and how its<br />

effects make themselves felt in the negotiations between municipal authorities and<br />

Muslim groups in the urban space of Berlin.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!