ovde - vera znanje mir

Erbakan as prime minister, which also led to a wave of repression against many Muslim
organisations.
[7] Among the most important developments of this period is the re-emergence of Muslim civilsociety
organisations in the form of associations, foundations and political partiesÐfor
instance, the IskenderpasËa Cemaat under Sheik Mehmet Zahit Kotku, the formation of
Turkey's political Islam (encouraged by Kotku) led by Necmettin Erbakan, as well as the
formation of the Nurcu movement (CË alõsËlar and CË elik 2000).
[8] See Talal Asad (2002) for a critical examination of the question if liberal states can, in fact,
represent Muslims as Muslims.
[9] This disenchantment with political Islam is foreshadowed by a bitter dispute between Sheik
CosË and Erbakan in 1990, which brought to an end the close relations between the tarikat and
the party (CË akõr 1990).
[10] The only other party in parliament is ironically the CHP, the original Kemalist party. The Ak
party has nearly a two-thirds majority of seats.
[11] Die Tageszeitung, 16 January 2002.
[12] For useful information about the Islamische FoÈderation Berlin see www.islamischefoederation.
de/
[13] Bundesverwaltungsgericht, 4 July 2002 [BverwG 2 C 21.01ÐUrteil 4.7.02], also SuÈddeutsche
Zeitung, 5 July 2002.
[14] This faultline of ethnic or racial difference is determined by numerous interlocking factors. As
Ann Stoler (1995) notes, notions of racial difference are primarily discursive distinctions that
draw on changing markers of distinction. In the German context, overt commitment to Islam
is part of this configuration of racial difference.
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