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"wrong" side of the Ottoman / Persian border, as subjects of an Ottoman court which viewed them
with suspicion. Massacres of Qizilbashi occurred.
The career of Pir Sultan Abdal (assuming he existed as a single person) takes place in this context.
Apparently a 16th century folk musician from Sivas, Pir Sultan Abdal was known for playing a
stringed instrument called the baglama and singing songs critical of his Ottoman governors, in
defense of the rights of the Anatolian peasantry. Hanged for fomenting rebellion, he became
another beloved figure in Alevi folklore and is now often invoked as a symbol of Alevism's leftist
aspect. He is also preferred by Alevi Kurds, who appreciate his protest against the Turkish
establishment, over Hajji Bektash Wali (whom they identify with the Turks).
Under Ottoman rule the Alevi emerged as an endogamous ethnic group, primarily Turkishspeaking
(but also including Kurdish communities), concentrated in rural Anatolia. (One writer
speculates that Dersim's Kurds converted to Alevism from another ghulat sect.) [1] Led by
hereditary dedes, and sometimes by Bektashi dervishes, they practiced taqiya ("dissimulation," or
secrecy) about their religion.
Bektashi identity may have been adopted to this end, since the Bektashis were technically Sunni
and tolerated by the court. After the 1826 disbanding of the Janissary Corps, the now-proscribed
Bektashi order began to meet underground, like the Alevi. Adherents of the two groups blurred
together to some extent. In the years before and during World War I the Çelebi family, one of two
leadership groups associated with the shrine of Hacı Bektaş, attempted to extend its authority to
the "village Bektashi" (Alevi) dedes, whose own hierarchy was in disarray. Some Alevi groups
accepted this Bektashi authority, others did not. [2]
Turkish-speaking Alevis were early supporters of Ataturk, who they credit with ending Ottomanera
discrimination against them, while Kurdish Alevis viewed his rise with caution. His 1925
banning of Sufi tariqas also applied to the Alevis and Bektashis, who must have viewed the move
with mixed feelings. At the same time the "Turkish" culture which Ataturk promoted was largely
inspired by Alevi traditions. Many Kurdish Alevis fought against the 1925 Kurdish rebellion, but
took the Kurdish side in the Dersim Rebellion of the 1930s.
Among Turkish Alevis Kemalism lost much of its appeal during the 1960s, when Turkish
nationalists made common cause with Sunni religious groups. As a result of this, and other trends
such as urbanization, younger Alevis gravitated toward socialism, then (after the fall of the Soviet
bloc) ethno-nationalism. Even so, portraits of Ataturk remain ubiquitous in Alevi circles, and some
Alevis even perceive him as a religious hero.
Contact with Sunni groups among urbanized Alevi led to political clashes in the 1970s, which
often pitted nationalist Sunnis against socialist-leaning Alevis. Sunni mobs killed Alevis in
Malatya, Kahramanmarash, and Çorum. 1980 brought martial law (which disproportionately
targeted Alevis, given their leftist alignment). With the political thaw of the 1990s, Alevis in
Turkey, influenced by the activities of their brethren in Europe, especially Germany, began to
actively publish Alevi books, and open Alevi cultural centers. [3]
On July 2 1993 Alevis were celebrating the Pir Sultan Abdal Festival. Coming out of mosques
after their Friday's prayer, a mob of 20,000 or so Sunnis surrounded the Madimak hotel, chanting
anti-Alevi and pro-sharia slogans. They set the hotel on fire and pelted the hotel with stones.
While the fire killed thirty three Alevis, the police, soldiers, and the fire-department did nothing to
stop the fire, or save the people. The events surrounding the massacre were captured by TV
cameras and broadcast all over the world. Every year, during the anniversary of the massacre,
various Alevi organizations call for the arrest of those responsible. However only a couple of
people were tried and sentenced to date.
There was also a drive-by shooting of Alevis in Istanbul's Gazi neighborhood in 1995 which
resulted in the death of some Alevis. Then when protests followed police periodically opened fire
on the demonstrators. When the protests were over there were a total of fifteen Alevis killed. The
result was a revival of Alevi identity, and debate over this identity which continues today.