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demand, more participatory and deliberative and thus stronger. An obstacleto this is the anti-democratic constitutional and legislative frameworkinherited from the 1980-83 period, vvhich had established barriers betvveenthe societal plurality and the political sphere. There is a campaign,vvhich started in 1994, to obtain a modification of the restrictive lavv onassociations, dating from 1980. It vvas launched by a group of some 90foundations, vvhich vvork tovvards the establishment of a "Third Sector",betvveen the public and private sectors 12 . This initiative enjoys the supportof the President of the Republic, Süleyman Demirel, as vvell as of the majörindustrial groups. Majör political parties, even the social democraticones (Democratic Socialist Party —DSP, and the Republican People'sParty- CHP), are not yet permeable enough to civil society. There arecertain small parties vvhich vvork along those lines, like the ÖzgürlükçüDayanışma Partisi (ÖDP), Demokratik Cumhuriyet Partisi (DCP), DemokratikBarış Hareketi, and a vvomen's movement, Kader, the aim ofvvhich is to increase the participation of vvomen in politics. Their existenceis an important indicator of the rise of an open society in Turkey,but their influence is stili limited. Such developments aim at actingagainst the current tendency of the State to homogenize artificially socialplurality, by excluding and banning, in the name of an authoritarian understandingof modernity and secularism, instead of interpreting themdemocratically. Their influence is stili very limeted, but their significanceis considerable.One cannot overemphasize the crucial role of the civil society, andof the individuation process, for the future consolidation of a stable, participativeand deliberative democracy in Turkey, through a State and apolitical system vvhich vvould eventually accept, accommodate and representthe plurality of society. In Western Europe, the emergence of a dominantsocial class vvith an independent economic base —the bourgeoisiearoundvvhich an autonomous civil society vvas structured, through tensionsand struggles vvith the vvorking class, to a democratic status and notions13 . When the Kemalist revolutionaries established the modern Republic,Turkey had neither a capitalist economy, nor a bourgeoisie or anorganized vvorking class 14 . Novv there is a bourgeoisie vvith an independenteconomic base and an increasingly autonomous civil society. TheKemalist Republic played a central historical role in this, but the State isstili not able to accept the plurality that such a development entails. It istime that the State vvhich had initially modernized Turkey from above,become the protective "moat", to repeat Gramsci's metaphor, and let the12. Türkiye Üçüncü Sektör Raporu, İstanbul, TÜSEV, 1994.13. Moore, Jr. Barrington (1966), Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, Harmondsworth,UK, Penguin Books.14. As Yusuf Akçura had observed in 1917, "If the Turks fail to produce among themselvea bourgeois class, the chances of survival of a Turkish society composed onlyof peasants and offıcials will be very slim". Berkes, Niyazi (1964), The Developmentof Secularism in Turkey, Montreal, McGill University Press.239