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ture of Turkey, for another, an attempt is undertaken to influence the inner-Turkishdiscussion, both argumentatively and terminologically.If one takes into consideration that roughly 2.5 million Turks live inthe FRG, most of whom retain ties to Turkey, then one sees that the resultsof German journalism are not restricted to Germany alone. In themeantime, even the Turkish identity of the Turks living in Germany is beingcalled into question- here I am referring to roughly 500.000 TurkishKurds living in Germany. Some even give the more precise figüre of480.000 3 , although it is more than mysterious by just what methods andby what criteria this number has been arrived at. A report of the GermanFederal Agency for Interaal Security in 1982 stated openly: "Until 1980the Kurds vvere classified under the category of 'other states.'" 4 Hovvever,this very same agency discovered in the nineties that there vvere 500.000Kurds among the German Turks. Building upon this nevvly discoveredKurdish presence in the FRG, an intensive concern at ali levels arose regardingthe 'ethnic distinctiveness' of these Kurds, something underpinnedby regional studies. Tvvo things resulted from this: One the onehand, the diffıculties in integrating the Turks into German society vverepresented as being the fault of the Turks. Reference vvas made to "the potentialfor conflict imported from Turkey" (even though homemade),vvhich in turn led to more stringent lavvs governing foreigners living inGermany. On the other hand, the ethnification of the conflict served as alever in foreign policy. Advocates of the thesis of the importation ofTurkish domestic conflicts into Germany base their arguments on the(homemade) ethnic polarization inside of the Turkish community in theFRG, vvith the aim of persuading the Turkish government to undertake a'political solution of the Kurdish Question". Based on experience, onemay assume that in the future a similar function vvill be fulfılled by thepseudo-religious radicalism that operates in Germany, and that is to a certainextent tolerated there. That German Turkey journalism seeks tothrovv into question the republican basis of the Turkish state (vvhich therebyburdens not only the German-Turkish and Turkish-European relationship,but also threatens the internal stability of Turkey and makes evenmore diffıcult the already problematical German-Turkish coexistence inthe FRG) can be seen from the avvarding of a prize to the vvriter YaşarKemal. Even here, vvhere supposedly tribute vvas being paid to the literaryvvork of this Turkish novelist, the founding principles of the Turkish Republicvvere attacked and the right of existence of the Turkish nation vvasthrovvn into question.According to the analysis of German Turkey journalism in the lastdecade, Turkey is a nation that is the scene of three conflicts, vvhose causeslie in the very founding principles of the Republic- in other vvords the3. Udo Ulfkotte: Verschlufisache BND, p. 288, Koehler & Amelang, 1997.4. Betrifft: Verfassungsschutz 1981, p. 156, Bonn 1982.819