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critic of Kemalism in Berlin, has called on German statesmen to enterinto a dialog vvith terrorist and fundamentalist organizations:"No great prophetic gift is needed to see that the takeover ofpolitical power in Algeria or Egypt by radical Islamic politicianswould, after a phase of turmoil, lead to a realistic judgementof the economic and political situation ...in light of thepossibility that radical Islamic groups or parties in various Islamiccountries come to power, the attempt should be undertakennow to open a dialog with representatives of these organizations"81 .It is part of such a strategy that critics of fundamentalist activities inGermany are gagged vvith the accusation of furthering the image of 'theIslamic Bogeyman'. Those vvho in addition defend the self-defensivemeasures of the Turkish republic taken against a subversive political 'islam'must expect to be accused of serving the official Turkish ideology orof pleading for an anti-democratic form of secularism.Concluding RemarksSince the end of the cold vvar German journalism has been more concernedvvith Turkey than ever before. It is largely of the opinion thatTurkish society consists of several segments that, vvhile living side byside, are divided along ethnic and confessional lines. One speaks of threesocial fault lines in Turkey, according to vvhich the Turkish-Kemalisticelite vvages an open vvar against 'confessional' and 'linguisüc' minorities.The Kemalist state has supposedly not succeeded in building a Turkishnation because the Kemalist model has from the beginning only regardedSunnites as belonging to the nation. Since the state has supposedly alsoalienated the citizens of the Sunnite confession, one may observe a furthertension betvveen this segment of the population and the Kemalistelite. German Turkey journalism holds tvvo principles of Kemalism to beresponsible for the "failure to create a nation".The experts believe that the centralist Kemalist state has, through itspolicy of 'reforms dictated from above' and having an 'authoritarianpedagogicalcharacter', hindered the political participation of minorities.Making reference to the ethno-fundamentalism of the PKK and pseudo-Islamic radicalism, one seeks to demonstrate the inability of the TurkishRepublic to integrate 'Moslems' and 'Kurds' as vvell as the hostility ofthe state tovvards 'islam' and minorities. With reference to the so-called'Alavvite renaissance', critics attempt to shovv the 'Sunnite' character ofthe Turkish republic. The most important catchvvords used by GermanTurkey journalism in reference to Kemalism are 'anti-democratic secular-81. P. Heine: Konflikt der Kulturen, loc. cit., p. 169.833