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January 2002 - July 2006 - The Jerry Quarry Foundation

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organizations, the Ali Act implicitly recognizes these same organizations’<br />

legitimacy; it says, for example, that a promoter cannot require future options<br />

from a boxer who is fighting in “a mandatory bout under the rules of a<br />

sanctioning organization.” And while recognizing that professional boxing, alone<br />

among the major sports, “operates without any private sector association,<br />

league, or centralized industry organization,” and that weak state commissions<br />

are exploited by less-than-honest promoters, it nevertheless posits that state<br />

commissions are “the proper regulators of professional boxing<br />

events.”Proposed legislation in the form of the Professional Boxing<br />

Amendments Act of 2004 and then the Professional Boxing Amendments Act of 2005<br />

sought to rectify this latter problem by creating the United States Boxing<br />

Commission, a federal commission under the auspices of the Department of<br />

Commerce. But for two years running the legislation did not receive the<br />

necessary votes in Congress to become law, in part because a number of<br />

congressmen who received monies from promoters like King and Arum voted against<br />

the bills.<strong>The</strong> Professional Boxing Amendments Act would have created the<br />

United States Boxing Commission, a national commission responsible for<br />

protecting “the health, safety, and general interests of boxers” and for<br />

ensuring “uniformity, fairness, and integrity in professional boxing.”<br />

Specifically, it would have been the job of the USBC to “promulgate uniform<br />

standards for professional boxing,” “oversee all professional boxing matches in<br />

the United States,” and “establish and maintain uniform minimum health and<br />

safety standards for professional boxing.” This would include the establishment<br />

of a medical registry which would maintain “comprehensive medical records and<br />

medical denials or suspensions for every professional boxer.” <strong>The</strong> creation of a<br />

central commission and of uniform standards would have been a positive step<br />

forward for boxing. If implemented successfully, it would have meant that boxing<br />

in the United States would have been run in large part by a single set of rules,<br />

it would have ended the practice of shopping for weak state commissions to hold<br />

certain fights, and it would have prevented a boxer denied a license in one<br />

state because he was not medically fit to compete from securing a license in a<br />

different state. In bringing some uniformity and consistency to the sport, the<br />

law would have brought a legitimacy to the business of boxing which is presently<br />

missing.But the proposed law did not go far enough, and for that reason<br />

it may be a good thing that the bill did not garner the necessary votes. Even<br />

while it sought to create a new governing body for boxing, the United States<br />

Boxing Commission, it would have left in place existing organizations which we<br />

already know do not work.Boxing guru Cus D’Amato famously said, “People<br />

who are born round don’t die square.” That goes for sanctioning organizations<br />

and state commissions as well. <strong>The</strong> sanctioning organizations have a long history<br />

of manipulating ratings, favoring promoters with whom they have a relationship<br />

(Don King comes quickly to mind), and putting greed far ahead of integrity – all<br />

of which add up to the boxer, the “exploited worker,” to borrow Jack Newfield’s<br />

description of the fighter in his penetrating piece “<strong>The</strong> Shame of Boxing,”<br />

getting less than fair treatment. So the law’s mandate that the Commission<br />

develop guidelines for rating fighters and that the sanctioning organizations<br />

follow these guidelines would leave in place exactly what is wrong with boxing.<br />

It would leave in place organizations like the IBF, which was exposed in a 2000<br />

federal trial for its long-standing practice of accepting bribes to rig its<br />

ratings. Despite the exposure of this rampant corruption and despite the<br />

appointment of a federal monitor who oversaw the IBF for several years, little<br />

has changed.According to the IBF’s ratings criteria, which state that a<br />

boxer who beats a higher-ranked boxer “will take the position of the higher<br />

rated fighter,” Carlos Baldomir’s recent victory over IBF champion Zab Judah<br />

should have made him the new IBF champion. But the IBF, true to its corrupt<br />

form, chose to ignore its own published criteria and left Judah with its<br />

worthless title. Appropriately for an organization with no true standards, it

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