O Estado oculto - Repositorio Institucional da USC - Universidade ...

As corporacións no neopluralismo
Condicións mínimas
Cuestionamento das condicións mínimas
pola súa falta de realismo
• Todos os intereses esenciais da • Non todos os intereses (e menos aínda os
sociedade están organizados mediante as xerais) están organizados mediante
corporacións e os partidos.
corporacións.
• Entre estes intereses organizados danse • Non se dan un equilibrio de poder e unha
un equilibrio de poder e unha igualdade igualdade de oportunidades,
de oportunidades.
especialmente entre as organizacións do
capital e do traballo.
• O sistema está aberto a novos intereses • Os intereses estabelecidos non permiten a
que se articulen.
articulación de novos intereses.
• No caso dunha ameaza de imposición • A garantía dos contrapoderes ou das
unilateral de intereses existe a garantía corporacións contrarias choca co feito de
da formación de corporacións contrarias e que determinados intereses esenciais non
de contrapoderes.
se deixan organizar.
• Existe un consenso básico sobre estas • A competencia non é posíbel, dado que
regras do xogo da competencia pluralista. non todos os intereses teñen a mesma
capacidade conflitual.
Malia que, como indica Newman (1981, 200-206), a ciencia social crítica
rexeita o modelo ideal pluralista pola súa falta de plausibilidade, a “science of
government [...] continues resting its case upon the model of pluralistic
democracy: citizens qua political beings determine the outcome of political
action”. O autor ofrécenos unha detallada descrición do modelo pluralista:
Election to office is equally open to all those willing to serve, capacity for assumption
and discharge of office is evenly distributed throughout, competition is free and
untrammelled, and neutral market criteria – blind to all matters of bias, preferment or
exclusion – act as the truly decisive determinant: those whose policies and beliefs
attract the greatest measure of democratic support find success in their questing for
office, and wherever installed need to satisfy demands of the popular will (extending to
the total community and not only to those having cast vote in their favour) so as to retain
their position. Political power hence not only entails title to office, but equally carries
concomitant reciprocal obligation. Only strictest integrity, responsible discharge of
office, systematic attention to all aspects of public concern and direct responsiveness to
popular will, does ensure the necessary continuation of widespread support. Debate is
entirely free, information fully disseminated, knowledge equally shared, and access to
decisive critical judgement not merely uniformly available but undifferentiatedly
expressed without favour or fear. Parliament – itself the apogee of public interest and
popular will – is cohesively supported by co-ordinate yet free-standing secondary tiers
such as local authorities, the judiciary, the civil service – not to speak of the unfettered
press plus the immediate welter of informal institutions and associations. It almost goes
without saying that fundamental value consensus underwrites the system of
government, that the State – as none but a last-line resource vested with minimal power
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