O Estado oculto - Repositorio Institucional da USC - Universidade ...

issue of what this means for those interests that cannot be effectively
organized”.
Neste punto é imprescindíbel acudir á densa, esclarecedora e crítica
descrición global do corporatismo social ou democrático que nos ofrece
Newman (1981, 55-56):
Democratic corporatism is a form of social organisation in which organised
groupings displace the individual as the main unit of civil society; where functional
representation formally overrides considerations of alternative social allegiance; where
the tripartite principle of organisation – represented by the State, industry, and
organised labour – is of predominant decisive account; where organised labour, formally
integrated into the government apparatus, has acquired fundamental managerial and
disciplinary function; where Parliament continues to function, albeit with much abated
brief; where nonstatutary bodies, barely accountable and disposing of significant power,
abound in every direction; and where the legal order, no longer autonomous or
independent, has become subordinate to a range of social constraints and extrajuridical
considerations. Technical criteria of success and efficiency are said to be primary;
conflictual class interests are denied; consensus is averred above all, and issues,
however complex and potentially divisive, are claimed as being purged of politicisation.
Compliance is above all achieved by emphasis upon criteria of collective achievement
and material growth; by stress upon factors of natural organic integration and equal
participation; by significant expansion of the educational sector, and by imbuing those
within the educational process with overt values of collective identification,
comprehensive equality, functional self-designation, together with facility for versatile
adaptation to changing social conditions.
Alemann e Heinze (1981, 45, 57-58 e 60), de acordo co modelo de Offe
do segundo circuito na orde institucional, constatan como as grandes
corporacións son quen de tecer múltiples redes funcionais que as unen cos
órganos do Estado e cos partidos políticos e que se superpoñen á clásica
separación de poderes. Cando as corporacións penetran nos distintos
segmentos do aparato do Estado (o que demostra a súa intervención decisiva
no proceso de toma de decisións en moitos eidos políticos), o Estado e as
corporacións estabelecen relacións de dependencia mutua das que sacan
proveito. Así, v.g., a conexión permanente entre as corporacións e as
burocracias ministeriais –é dicir, a posición vantaxosa das corporacións máis
poderosas na política estatal– faise evidente cando, nos procesos de
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